Expanding the Eurasian Union: PM Medvedev Tours Central Asia Looking For New Recruits!

Now, here's the exclusive interview our colleague Sergei Brilyov had with Dmitry Medvedev during the Russian prime minister's trip around Central Asia — Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, specifically.

Now, here's the exclusive interview our colleague Sergei Brilyov had with Dmitry Medvedev during the Russian prime minister's trip around Central Asia — Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, specifically. The interview was shot in the Uzbek city of Khiva in the reception house built in the early 20th century for Khwarazm rulers by craftsmen from St. Petersburg, where the Prime Minister was born.

"The parquet is natural, of course".

 

- Dmitry Anatolyevich, this room has St. Petersburg roots, too. This is from St. Petersburg, Russia, right? It's noticeable. We shouldn't think about the past only but the future as well. When I looked at the future, just looked at the schedule of your negotiations, one thing surprised me. Could you tell me why there's a branch of the Moscow Engineering Physics Institute in Uzbekistan?

Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister of Russia: Uzbekistan is now opening the doors to various Russian universities. As to MEPhI, nuclear issues, we're now going to build a nuclear power plant here. Some details have already been approved, such as the site for the nuclear power plant. And we negotiated it today.

- Is it not a state secret? Can we know where it'll be?

- Yes, well, it'll be in Uzbekistan.

- Well, I see. Money likes silence. And when is it supposed to be opened?

- It isn't a fast process. By the end of this year, we should prepare the so-called framework agreement on the construction of the nuclear power plant of a certain design. After that, of course, we have to count our options, including the economic impact because it's an expensive project. Because of that, the construction project will have a timeline, which also needs to be considered. But one can't build a nuclear power plant quickly because it's an extremely complicated technological project. At the same time, today, I talked about it with the President of Uzbekistan and the Prime Minister, mentioning that it's a sign of trust between the countries. It means a partnership of a very special sort. By the way, it'll be the first nuclear power plant in Central Asia.

- We also call them allied relations…

- Yes, we're close friends.

- ...although Uzbekistan isn't a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and there's no treaty on allied relations. Do you think that Uzbekistan will join the Eurasian Union?

- It depends on their position. We've always based ourselves on the position that we don't put pressure on anyone. At the same time, the doors to the Eurasian Union are always open for our partners. And it provides certain advantages because, in this case, certain benefits and privileges apply to the members of the Eurasian Union. They're provided only to the members of our Eurasian Union. Of course, it's every state's own business. Our friends from Uzbekistan is taking a look at the processes which are underway.

- I dare to assume that if such a decision is made one day, a certain transition period will be required because the standards of living in Uzbekistan, Russia, and largely, in the other countries of the Eurasian Union are still different.

- You know, I think that we undertook an important and serious obligation when we accepted the states that also have developing economies into the Eurasian Union.

- Kyrgyzstan.

- They're Kyrgyzstan and Armenia. These are countries with certain economic problems. They're emerging economies. Frankly speaking, we all have economic problems, so I don't think it's a problem. The thing is on what basis a state joins, what goals it pursues. We're ready to discuss these issues.

- As to Uzbekistan, the popular opinion, of course, associates it with migration, and I'm not saying that it's a problem. It's a consequence of the difference in living standards. Can I ask you a rather controversial question? Will we introduce visas for citizens of Uzbekistan?

- Of course, we won't. We're friends and partners, and our economies are strategically connected indeed. Over the last few years, our relations had a powerful boost, there were new investment projects like the one we're talking about…

- The nuclear power plant.

- Right. This is the climax of cooperation. Why should we introduce visas?

- If we maintain a visa-free regime and since we decided to maintain it, then how can we manage migration flows? I checked, there are some pilot projects in Tatarstan, Krasnoyarsk Krai, and Leningrad Oblast. What is it about? How could we do it better? It's clear that business isn't always responsible enough for everything to be done in accordance with those transparent rules, which are theoretically set forth in the laws.

- You know, one way or another, there are issues of migration in many countries. We discuss these issues as partners. For our part, the Ministry of Internal Affairs the MFA, and the relevant services take part in it. Our partners have various tools for that, including... By the way, it concerns our friends in Uzbekistan. It includes the projects and agreements on so-called organizational recruitment in which such relations are subject to regulation.

- Since the workforce is required in Russia, there's the recruitment of those…

- In any case, it's done in an orderly manner. Such tools are being used. They're the agreements concerning organizational recruitment. On the other hand, they're necessary agreements on readmission and a number of other tools.

- And you discussed it in the course of your visit?

- We discussed various issues. We probably discussed these issues to a lesser extent because we focused on the economic sphere. But they're always on the agenda. Our departments discuss them.

- Dmitry Anatolyevich, you're going to Ashgabat from here, right? To be exact, by the moment this interview is aired, you'll have met with the Prime Minister in Ashgabat.

- As far as I understand, by the time this interview airs, I'll be back in Russia, hopefully.

- Today is Thursday, and the interview will be aired next Thursday. If we think about it, it's an unusual story. A few years ago, Turkmenistan kept the CIS at a distance, presenting itself as an associate member, and now it hosts the meeting of the prime ministers of the CIS countries. Nevertheless, there used to be 12 countries in the CIS, now there are 10, in fact. Georgia withdrew, and Ukraine recalled all of its representatives. Does the CIS has a future?

- Of course, it does. I'm often asked this question and answer it in the same way. The CIS has a future. The thing isn't only that, as we used to say, that it's a certain civilized form of divorce between the former Soviet republics. No. Now, despite all of the difficulties, issues, nuances, the CIS is still a project that really works. There are different participants in the CIS. Somebody participates as an associated member. Others participate as full-fledged members. Moreover, somebody signs the documents that we draft right away, others do it with some delay. Somebody signs them with reservations. Anyway, it creates a kind of working canvas of relations. What do I mean? Despite the difficulties, we still prepared and signed a special trade agreement, which is now in effect between the CIS member countries. This is an agreement on free trade. But this is a tool. This is a tool which allows us to solve a number of issues. In addition to this, the CIS has a large regulatory framework which still allows us to solve contentious issues. We always have an opportunity to refer to the document, which the countries, at the very least, worked on, or even signed, to say: "Let's solve the issues of intellectual property in accordance with that bill or that agreement."

- So, these aren't ceremonial get-togethers?

- No, these aren't ceremonial get-togethers. Probably, the level of integration in the CIS format isn't like the one in the Eurasian Union.

- There are a few speeds.

- Yes, but this is a common thing. As we say, there are integration tracks of different speeds.

- If you let me say it, it isn't only common but a good thing because in the EU, they all marched as a single column and we remember how long it took them.

- Actually, the creation of the EU took decades, from the moment when they declared the Coal and Steel Community to the moment when the full-fledged European Union was formed.

- And there's an opportunity to move in different ways.

- Someone can look at how the processes in the Eurasian Union develop and think about becoming a part of a union of even closer association. It's absolutely normal. So I'm sure that the CIS has a future in this sense.

- I hope our Uzbek friends will forgive my mentioning another country. Its name begins with the letter "U" in the Uzbek language — Ukraine. It's ironic that it was Ukraine that promoted the agreement on free trade in the CIS.

- That's true. And then... Dmitry Anatolyevich, look, Medvedchuk came to you to discuss gas before the first round of the elections in Ukraine. Now, the newly elected president, Zelensky, who's already assumed office, deprived Medvedchuk of the status of negotiator, on the one hand. On the other hand, today, which is Thursday, while we're talking in Uzbekistan, the Rada refused to dismiss Prime Minister Groysman in Kiev. Whom should we talk to then? There was a feeling that the page would be probably turned but it wasn't.

- If you noticed, right after the elections, in any case, I shared my impressions on social media. I said that I have no illusions about the rhetoric of the new government and certain, previously formed trends. We haven't seen anything new yet. I don't want to get ahead of myself though. Ultimately, it all depends on the new president, the new government. If they want to take some steps, they'll take them. The statements which are now being made in Kiev are very controversial. They seem to be willing to renew certain processes on the basis of the Minsk agreements. At the same time, it goes along with the outdated rhetoric that, to be frank, we're sick and tired of. It's "We'll do this, that, and the other." But we haven't seen any initiative so far. Let's be patient. As to the channels of communication, the Ukrainian government should care about it. They can use the channels which suit them. But on the basis of universally accepted practices, one should always have a few channels of communication, and it is short-sighted to cut some of them off.

- Do they maintain any channels after Medvedchuk was dismissed? With all due respect to the diplomatic service, there are chargé d'affaires in embassies. They're professional diplomats, but it's clear that they aren't ambassadors. Medvedchuk…

- No, but first of all, we have diplomatic relations, which are still being maintained. And our ministers periodically meet in some formats. I reiterate that it wasn't we who stopped anything. The Ukrainian government did it. If they want to revive anything, they're quite able to do it, starting from diplomatic contacts via the foreign ministries and other government bodies to some informal contacts, if they want to use them. It's up to them. As we say, the ball is in their court.

- Paradoxically, just to sum up, looking at how Russia's relations with Uzbekistan are developing, I think that they should pay attention to the benefits of mutual cooperation.

- Of course. Speaking of or concluding our talk about our relations with Uzbekistan, we've always had a close partnership. At some point, they stopped developing, they stagnated because there were projects, but there wasn't any progress. Now, both the Uzbek president and the government are focusing on developing economic relations. And we're happy about that. We think that it's important to Russia and it's just as important to Uzbekistan. It's important to our people.

- Thank you, Dmitry Anatolyevich.

- Thank you.